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e-journal #174 |
Sergei Gubarev, a special envoy of the Russian Foreign Ministry in the Moldovan-Transnistrian negotiation process, visited Tiraspol on August 17, 2011. The purpose of the visit was to make clear the position of the Transnistrian side prior to the September-scheduled second round of the informal “5+2” meeting in Moscow. The Russian diplomat and Transnistrian foreign minister Vladimir Yastrebchyak discussed evolution in Tiraspol-Chisinau relations from perspective of an eventual development of the dialogue between the sides. The conclusion of the Russian diplomat was that an agreement between Chisinau and Tiraspol is difficult so far. Anyway, the Russian diplomacy will insist on an agreement regarding solutions to the Transnistrian conflict. However, the parties feel the situation differently. Even more, Moscow is ready to seek the institutionalisation of the “5+2 consultations but within reasonable limits… We are dealing with this issue for a result, rather than for the sake of the process. Regretfully, it is hard to get a practical result in the informal format. We do not have an appropriate instrument. And formal negotiations are such a tool.”
In his turn, Vladimir Yastrebchyak assured that the resumption of the official “5+2” negotiations would make any sense just in case they can produce concrete results. However, it is hard to speak about prospects of resuming the official “5+2” negotiations without accepting an equal footing for the parties, without “removing existing barriers, formulating a clear working agenda, and establishing accurate rules of the game, including principles to develop a dialogue.” The head of the OSCE Mission to Moldova, Mr. Philip Remler, has also met Vladimir Yastrebchyak in Tiraspol and received details regarding the position of the Transnistrian side.
Transnistrian leader Igor Smirnov stated in an interview on August 31:
Preparations for the presidential elections in Transnistria set for December 11, 2011 are at height. The People’s Union was established during a congress in late August to “develop and strengthen the statehood of the Transnistrian Moldovan Republic (TMR), ensure the security of the country against internal and external dangers, preserve and develop the single historical community of the Transnistrian nation.” The movement is build after the model of the recent Russian People’s Front and brings together 15 public patriotic organisations: Union of TMR Defenders; “Memoria”; United Council Staffs, Transnistrian Union of Afghan War Veterans, Union of Transnistrian Women, etc. The congress elected the chairman of the Union of Transnistria Defenders, Igor Dudkevich, as leader of the central coordinating council of the movement. Delegates asked Transnistrian leader Igor Smirnov to run for a new presidential mandate. On the other hand, Smirnov’s opponents from the Transnistrian region released statistics to reveal effects of the 21-year rule of Smirnov:
In these circumstances, the head of the Supreme Soviet of Transnistria, Anatoli Kaminsky, a major political rival of Smirnov, is competing to substitute Smirnov in Moscow’s graces. Last July Kaminsky met highest-ranking functionaries from Russia, gaining the open support of the ruling Russian party Yedinaya Rossia. On background of criticism against Smirnov’s clan for embezzlement of very large amounts of the Russian support, Kaminsky came back from Moscow to bring the “good news” that Russia provides a new assistance of about 200 million roubles (about 70 million dollars) to Transnistria, and will keep assisting the region in future under guarantees of the Supreme Soviet of Transnistria that the funds will be spent accordingly to destination and as part of the Transnistria Development Strategy until 2025, which the Supreme Soviet worked out together with the Russian State Duma.
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