Transnistrian Conflict on April 16 – May 1, 2009

Attitude towards parliamentary elections in Republic of Moldova

On April 2, 2009, the coordinating council of nongovernmental organisations and parties from Transnistria made of 30 organisations addressed an appeal to citizens from the region, asking them to boycott the parliamentary elections in the Republic of Moldova. Signatories accused the Moldovan authorities of nationalism and of “not regretting the crimes committed against Transnistrians, who follow another direction — Russia — which takes care of our small state like a mother.”

Number of electors from Transnistria who participated in the parliamentary elections on April 5, 2009
Polling station	Locality	Number of participants in elections
No. 49	Sanatauca village	72
No. 3	Rezina city	558
No. 4	Cocieri village	507
No. 6	Dorotcaia village	588
No. 40	Varnita village	1556
No. 41	Varnita village	852
No. 33	Hagimus village	120
No. 27	Firladeni village	25
No. 23	Copanca village	76
No. 23	Rascaieti village	83
	Total	4437

According to Transnistria’s mouthpiece Olvia-press, the attempt of Moldovan authorities to open a polling station for the parliamentary elections in the village of Corjova (the native village of Moldovan President Vladimir Voronin), which is located in the security zone and Moldovan authorities, on the one hand and Transnistrian administration, on the other hand claim to be under their jurisdiction, was a provocation of the Chisinau leadership. The Transnistrian news agency reported that on April 5 at 07.00 a.m. before the opening of the polling station concerned, a protest meeting was held under the flags of Transnistria and Russia, with participants carrying slogans “No to Illegal Elections!”, “No to Nationalism, Yes to Peace Negotiations!” Before the opening of voting, some demonstrators broke into the polling station and confiscated the ballot box. Members of the Joint Control Commission (CUC) on behalf of Ukraine, Moldova and OSCE Mission came to the scene to clarify the situation.
The Prosecutor-General’s Office of Moldova has filed criminal charges relating to the conduct of elections in Corjova. On that occasion, the CUC co-chairman on behalf of Transnistria, Oleg Beleacov, said that the Prosecutor’s Office decision is political, since the Corjova village is under Transnistria’s jurisdiction. He noted that a criminal case in this respect should be filed by the Transnistrian leadership, since the Moldovan authorities committed an illegality in the eastern region.

Reactions of the Transnistrian media and authorities to political crisis in the Republic of Moldova

The political crisis in the Republic of Moldova was widely covered in the Transnistrian region. Major conclusions released by Transnistrian propaganda makers were limited to statements such as “what has happened in Chisinau on April 6–7 after the parliamentary elections confirms one more time the right way of Transnistria’s independence from the Republic of Moldova.” A special emphasis in covering the Chisinau developments was laid on the fact that some demonstrators carried slogans “We Are Romanians!” and the fact that flags of the European Union and Romania were installed on the stormed buildings of the Parliament and Presidency of Moldova. Transnistrian propagandists did their best to extend their conclusions on Moldova’s future — “the youths who came to spontaneous protests have pro-Romania visions and are supported by pro-Romania political forces. If not now, the Republic of Moldova will unite with Romania in future… Following the crisis, President Voronin has fortified his positions inside Moldova, but lost a lot on the country reintegration dimension. The reintegration of the country is impossible on background of such a strong «Romanian factor» capable to organise a “coup d’etat” in Chisinau, as said by President Voronin.”
According to the deputy security (MGB) minister of Transnistria, Valeri Yunevich, “the team of the special subdivision DELTA of the Transnistrian MGB was put on alert with the view to prevent eventual provocations”.
The Transnistrian authorities have also kept a tight hold on the “Romanian factor” in assessing the April 6–7 events. According to Transnistrian foreign minister Vladimir Yastrebceak, no “chromatic revolution” took place in Chisinau, as such revolutions are peaceful: “that was the manifestation of the «Romanian factor» which indicates very clearly that the Moldovan young people are ready to go to barricades for the Romanisation ideas… In these circumstances, strengthening the independence is the best option for Transnistria… The union with Romania is, however, the future of the Republic of Moldova.” In the same context, Transnistrian leader Igor Smirnov stated to the Interfax agency that he does not have anything else to discuss with the acting Chisinau authorities after the April 6–7 events: “the international community could realise who it has to deal with. What to discuss with a government which conflicts with own people? Does anybody believe that this government could protect the Transnistrians against the nationalists?” These attitudes reveal that the Moldovan authorities have done a serious disservice to the country reintegration process by invoking the “Romanian factor” as main reason of the April 6–7 violence. Or, on the contrary, invoking the “Romanian factor” is regarded as an excuse for the incapacity to settle the conflict, and this fact seems credible in the light of signing of the Barvikha Declaration.
Jumping at the opportunity of the political destabilisation in Chisinau, Transnistrian political circles take demonstrative actions to estrange themselves from the Republic of Moldova and come closer to Russia. Thus, lawmakers on behalf of the Obnovlenie Party led by speaker Yevgeni Shevchiuk have released a legislative initiative to modify the law on state symbols. The draft proposes the institutionalisation of the “national flag” in the region besides the “state flag” (former MSSR flag), which would be identical to the one of the Russian Federation. This initiative is based on results of the September 17, 2006 referendum, at which 97 percent of the population would have called for the independence of Transnistria and its further accession to Russia.

Efforts to resume the negotiation process

Vienna hosted “3+2” consultations (without the participation of Moldovan and Transnistrian representatives) on April 28, 2009. Participants in the consultations on behalf of Russia, Ukraine, OSCE, US and EU made the conclusion that the “5+2” negotiations should restart. As well, they stressed the importance of contacts between the conflicting parties at all levels, inclusively expert groups.
On April 29, 2009, the outgoing President Vladimir Voronin stated during a TV interview that “the problem of territorial integrity of the country is of utmost importance for the Moldovan leadership.” He stressed that “in the post-electoral situation some petty politicians are trying to play their card, inclusively with regard to the Transnistrian problem… But the resolution of this problem should not be connected to the events emerged in early April. We must make progress in the Transnistrian settlement process. And everybody must do its work including politicians and Parliament in the current situation… The analysis in Vienna of prospects of starting the negotiation process in a complete format, for the first time after many years cheers and encourages us very much.” According to Voronin “the country leadership will follow the earlier built policy to settle the Transnistrian conflict.”
On April 30, Minister of Reintegration Vasilii Sova had meetings with the Special Representative of the European Union to Moldova, Mr. Kalman Miszei, the head of the OSCE Mission to Moldova, Mr. Philip Remler, and the U.S. Ambassador, Mr. Asif Chaudhry, and exchanged opinions regarding the Transnistrian settlement. Minister Sova stressed the willingness to continue consultations in diverse configurations with the purpose to prepare the “5+2” meetings and organise a seminar in June on demilitarisation and strengthening of military confidence. In the context, Transnistrian leader Igor Smirnov and Tiraspol foreign minister Vladimir Yastrebciak have told meetings with representatives of mediators and international observers that the “5+2” format is consultative and aims to provide a framework for the exchange of opinions, not for making decisions, which rest with the exclusive competence of conflicting parties.

Conflict of leading branches in Transnistria

On the background of political crisis in the Republic of Moldova, Transnistrian leaders may afford proving the democratic nature of political competition in the region. Despite the increasing competition, developments in Transnistria seem to have a positive meaning on background of events in the Republic of Moldova. On April 15, 2009, members of the Transnistrian Supreme Soviet passed in the first reading some amendments to the constitution, giving green light to “the initiative of the 17 lawmakers” (overall, there are 43 members of the Supreme Soviet) who opened the modification procedure. Most of the 17 members represent the faction of the Obnovlenie Party led by speaker Yevgeni Shevchiuk (Vasilii Moraru, Victor Guzun, Piotr Pasat, Grigorii Diacenco, Liubomir Ribeak, Serghei Babenco, Vladimir Bodnar, Claudia Trescova, Iurii Sporis, Veaceslav Tobuh, Olga Gucalenco, Ilona Tiureaeva, Anatolii Dirun, Ilia Vasiliev, Serghei Ceban, Anton Onufrienco and Galina Antiufeeva). In particular, the amendments call for:
- The suppression of the office of deputy president;
- The obligation of the cabinet of ministers to present reports both to the president and to the legislature;
- The obligation of the president to address messages to the legislature every year;
- The election by the legislature with 2/3 votes of a president in case of vacancy. The interim president will run this office until remediation of causes of this state or until presidential elections, but he/her will be restricted from participation.
The draft amendments to the Transnistrian constitution were bitterly criticised by parties and public organisations affiliated to Transnistrian leader Igor Smirnov. Before the voting, on April 10, a civic forum took place and brought together more than 90 nongovernmental organisations and political parties (Patriotic Party of Transnistria led by Smirnov’s son; the branch of the Russian Liberal Democratic Party affiliated to the Russian party of Vladimir Zhirinovsky; “Vointa Poporului” Party affiliated to the Russian party of Sergei Baburin).
Igor Smirnov and the cabinet of ministers had a very negative reaction to the “initiative of the 17”. Smirnov recommended the Supreme Soviet to postpone the voting in the first reading and to raise the initiative concern for wide public debates. His arguments envisaged the violation of the “separation of powers” principle for the possible final adoption of amendments. As well, Smirnov hinted that the amendments target against deputy president Alexandr Koroliov, who could succeed him. Asked by Smirnov’s adepts why lawmakers hurry up to adopt these amendments, the latter assured that they are doing so to harmonise the legislative framework of the Transnistrian region with the one of Russia. The conclusion drawn by Smirnov’s supporters was that the Supreme Soviet speaker wants to turn the presidential republic into a semi-presidential republic in a voluntary manner. They fear that such transformations are inadmissible in the current situation and the presidential regime has proved its efficiency. Taking part in the debates before the voting of constitutional amendments was Igor Smirnov as well. Although, Baron de Montesquieu was often quoted, the Russian Constitution was cited more. It was proved that both Smirnov and Shevciuk understand the adjustment of Transnistrian legislation to Russian laws the way their like. As a sign of protest that the Transnistrian legislature did not accept their objections, Smirnov and members of his cabinet of ministers left the sitting hall. However, before quitting the hall Smirnov threatened to hold a referendum on this issue.

Involvement of associative sector in dispute of leading branches

The political competition between political forces led by speaker Yevgeni Shevciuk and Transnistrian leader Igor Smirnov has extended on the civic area, too. The Patriotic Party of Transnistria (PPT) headed by Oleg Smirnov, the son of Transnistrian leader Igor Smirnov, expressed concern about possibility of building two parallel structures called Public Chambers in the region. PPT claims that it proposed in January the constitution of the Public Chamber (like the one of the Russian Federation), and the Obnovlenie Party of speaker Shevchiuk came with the same initiative a month later. On the other hand, the Coordinating Council of public organisations and political parties proposed on March 5 not to build the Public Chamber but to revive the Public Council established by Igor Smirnov in June 2007. According to PPT, Shevchiuk and Smirnov should set up a joint working group to agree on this issue, so that not to discredit the idea on civic forum and Public Chamber. PPT explained its vision on the role of Public Chamber, which should follow the example of the Russian chamber in order to be efficient. For this purpose, the Public Chamber should:
1. be made both of nominated and elected members;
2. hold enough levers to operate the civic control on public institutions;
3. participate in the legislative process.
The civic forum of Transnistria took place on April 10 and brought together representatives of 92 NGOs and a number of political parties, which called upon the Supreme Soviet not to vote the amendments to the constitution and to refrain from changing the election system. Thus, the balance of forces in the region is the following: a parliamentary majority consolidated around speaker Yevgeni Shevchiuk on one hand and the administration of Igor Smirnov supported by a number of civic organisations and minuscule political parties, but especially by key media outlets from the region on the other hand. For this reason, Smirnov and his adherents seek a referendum on modification of constitution and election system.

Social-economic evolutions in Transnistria

The Transnistrian ministry of economy has published the list of economic agents which controlled or held the monopoly of some segments of the market. The existence of some monopolists on Transnistrian market despite the anti-monopoly legislation and an agency in charge with combating the monopoly is explained by the fact that the region is very small and the existence of many enterprises in the same area is economically unjustified. The published list includes the following enterprises grouped on sectors:
- Dairy — the dairy enterprises based in Ribnita and Tiraspol. The Ribnita-based enterprise is leader in making animal fat and cheese, while the Tiraspol-based company is leader in making ice cream. The Ribnita-based enterprise defeated the companies based in Tiraspol and Bender, as it has enlarged the raw material base;
- Bakery — the Tiraspol-based bakery which modernised its equipment and raw material base by purchasing thousands of hectares of land and cultivating raw material there;
- Meat products and sausages — the Bender-based meat enterprise, which makes various sausages and semi-finished meat products;
- Spirits — the Tiraspol-based wine and cognac company Kvint is leader in making and selling brandy. The winery Buket Maldavii is leader in making and selling wines. The Bender-based beer plant is leader in making and selling beer;
- Textiles — the textile manufacturer Tirotex is leader in manufacturing cotton items, ready-made clothes, underclothes, etc.;
- Metals — the Ribnita-based metallurgical plant is monopolist in manufacturing steed and laminated items;
- Power appliances — the Tiraspol-based factory Electromas is monopolist in manufacturing pump devices and other power appliances. The Tiraspol-based power appliance manufacturer makes low tension appliances. Moldavcabeli, Electrofarfor and Litmas plants are also monopolists;
- Building materials — Ribnita-based timber manufacturer, Grioriopol-based building material manufacturer, Tiraspol-based brick plant, Ribnita-based cement plant, Tirnistrom, Nans, Arsul plants;
- Printing products — the Tiraspol-based Typography Tipar prints half of periodicals in the region, while the Bender-based printing company Poligrafist is leader in printing books;
- Mobile telephony — Interdnestrcom is monopolist on Transnistrian mobile telephony market for ten years. As well, it ensures the communication of public institutions from the region. After purchasing and merging with Transtelecom, the company has become monopolist in operating international telephone connection and providing Internet access services;
- Miscellaneous — Intercenter Lux is a company specialised in making pastry, vegetal oils, ready-made clothes, etc.
According to formal statistics from the Transnistrian region, external trade of Transnistria was worth 425 million dollars in the first three months of 2009, which is by 30 percent less than in the similar period of 2008. The export has dropped by 43 percent, down to 124 million dollars. Collections to the public budget covered only 78.5 percent of the plan in the period concerned and just 37.9 percent in April. Approximately half or 25 million dollars of the budgetary expenses go to salaries. The average wage in the Transnistrian region has decreased by one fifth in the first quarter of 2009, down to 217 dollars, compared with 245 dollars in 2008. The average wage of budgetary workers is 119 dollars, compared with 136 dollars in 2008. Employees of the banking sector earn the best, 518 dollars on average, compared with 419 dollars in 2008. Workers of the energy sector earn 504 dollars on average, compared with 572 dollars in 2008. The average pension in the region amounts to 70 dollars thanks to the humanitarian support of Russia, which adds 15 dollars to the pension. The number of jobseekers has almost doubled this year, up to 6,062 people, compared with 3,432 in 2008. Approximately 130,000 out of 550,000 people in Transnistria are citizens of Russia and about 100,000 people hold the Ukrainian citizenship. Transnistria’s population decreased by 6,000 people or more than 1 percent in 2008 mainly due to migration.

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