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e-journal #142 |
On July 29, 2009, on the Election Day for the Parliament of the Republic of Moldova, the polling station in Corjova village, situated on the left bank of the Nistru river, was thwarted. Both Chisinau and Tiraspol authorities consider that Corjova is under their jurisdiction. Chisinau confirms its’ rights by periodical attempts to organize elections in the village, and Tiraspol does the same thing by undermining these attempts. Just as it happened on the last Election Day, the entry into the polling station was blocked on July 2009, at 7 o’clock A.M. by approximately 400 individuals exclaiming: “Get your hands off Transnistria”; “No to illegal elections”; “No — to the territory pretensions against the territorial integrity of Transnistria”. This kind of blockage is backed by Transnistrian authorities, who believe that the hostile Moldovan authorities put the stability of the region in jeopardy. As always, the Central Electoral Commission decided to change the voting place for Corjova inhabitants to the polling stations from neighboring villages, where Chisinau jurisdiction is beyond contestation.
After the consultations in the “5+2” format held in Vienna in June, the Transnistrian leader Igor Smirnov met the ambassador of the Russian Federation in Republic of Moldova and the head of OSCE mission in Moldova, Philip Remler in order to discuss the perspectives of resuming the dialogue in the “5+2” format. According to Philip Remler, there are several issues that are to be solved; this is why the negotiations must be resumed without pre-conditions. Igor Smirnov contested this approach mentioning, as usually, the existence of a package of agreements signed by Moldovan authorities which are not being respected. The last example concerns the signing of Barviha Declaration on March 18, 2009. According to this Declaration, the negotiations in the “5+2” format could start again after creating corresponding conditions. The president Vladimir Voronin acts as usually, he accepts certain things, signs documents that should confirm his agreement and then refuses to fulfill the engagements. This is exactly what happened when the Barviha Declaration was signed. Voronin committed to meet Smirnov on March 25, 2009 and then refused to participate in the meeting with no explanations. From Smirnov’s point of view, no perspective for resuming negotiations in the “5+2” format exists, taking into account the behavior of Moldovan authorities. What should be done relates to continuing the work of the group of experts in order to solve the social-economical issues. Smirnov threatened that his regime will give an adequate response if Chisinau will try to pressure Tiraspol economically and commercially.
After the resign of Evgheni Sevciuc, the Chairman of the Supreme Soviet on July 8, 2009 his Moscow upholder, Konstantin Kosaciov, chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the State Duma arrived in Tiraspol to support Sevciuc in his relationships with Smirnov administration. As Smirnov has more powerful upholders in Moscow, Kosaciov’s mission was reduced to discussing with Smirnov about the cooperation between Russian Federation and Transnistria. At the meeting, Smirnov mentioned that Transnistria needs to extend the cooperation with Russia for mutual benefits. Kosaciov sustained the implementation of Russian standards of education and the harmonization of Transnistrian legislation with the Russian one, confirming that the Russian business feels comfortable in the separatist region. Besides, Kosaciov reconfirmed the official Russian position towards a resolution of the conflict between Chisinau and Tiraspol — Russia will support the solution agreed by both equal sides of the conflict. Kosaciov underlined that Russia will not use Transnistria as exchange for relationships with third parties in the international political process.
The Ministry of Justice of the separatist region published the amendments to the Transnistrian constitution in order to bring it in concordance with the constitutional norms of the Russian Federation. The Transnistrian experts think that ex — speaker’s Evgheni Sevciuc initiative to modify the Transnistrian constitution was misappropriated, and thus Smirnov tries to fortify his position. Formally, the amendments boil down to borrowing certain Russian constitutional norms but actually the transfer of responsibilities from the Transnistrian presidency to a Cabinet of Ministers is intended. Still the cabinet will be subordinated to the presidential institution that nominates and dismisses ministers at it will.
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