Transnistrian Conflict on January 31 – February 13, 2005

Dangerous developments in the security zone, including military mobilisation, concentration of troops and weapons, and propaganda against an alleged military threat from Moldova, were reported by a number of Moldovan media outlets and denounced by Moldovan authorities within public statements and addresses to various international fora during the period covered here. These developments would be indicative of “a methodical and well thought preparation by the break away Transnistrian authorities of a large scale military destabilisation at the Nistru River” and would be meant to influence the electoral process in Moldova to the advantage of the “political and economic partners” of the breakaway authorities, have further argued officials in Chisinau calling upon the international community to help stabilise the situation in the security zone.

On the eve of the parliamentary elections scheduled for 6 March, the Transnistrian theme has become an especially handy one for the ruling Communist Party to build the “enemy” and associate with it its opponents. The most important question though at the moment seems to be the one whether Transnistria will be able to vote in the March elections, and if yes, then who the several thousands Transnistrian inhabitants, de jure citizens of Moldova, will cast their votes for.

Unlike in previous campaigns, when Transnistrians were vehemently opposed to Moldovan elections being conducted in the region and obstructed the access of the Transnistrian voters to the polling stations opened for them on the right bank of Nistru River, this time they have called upon the Moldovan authorities to ensure all conditions for the Transnistrians to vote in the March elections. According to Transnistrian media, the break away authorities have even pledged to mobilise the voters and ensure their transportation to the polling stations on the Moldovan side. At the same time, voters have been encouraged to support opposition contestants, such as the Electoral Bloc “Democratic Moldova” (BMD), the People’s Christian Democratic Party or the “Patria-Rodina” Bloc. This, they say, is to prevent the ruling Communist Party from gaining a straightforward majority in the new Moldovan Parliament and thereby render the future legislative body weak and prone to instability.

Earlier, a key opposition contestant, the BMD, called upon the Central Electoral Commission (CEC) to open polling stations in Transnistria. A CEC address to the Transnistrian authorities followed, in which the CEC conditioned the opening of polling stations in the region through a number of measures to ensure a free and fair electoral process and the full respect of Moldovan laws and constitution in the region. As the CEC address remained unanswered by the Transnistrian authorities, the CEC will most probably open special polling stations along the right bank of Nistru River at which Transnistrians will be able to vote.

In the Ukrainian presidential elections, the Transnistrian authorities openely supported the Moscow backed candidate Victor Yanukovich who harnessed as a result more than 90% of the votes of the Ukrainian citizens residing in Transnistria. As there seems to be no clear Moscow favourite in this election, observers in Chisinau have indicated to “Patria-Rodina” Bloc and the BMD as the two contestants most appealing to the Transnistrians. The “Patria-Rodina” Bloc has proposed closer ties with Russia, recognition of Transnistrian population’s right to self-determination and the adoption of so-called Kozak Memorandum as the basis for the future legal status for the region. BMD is the Communists’ key opponent and one that many say Moscow would prefer to the current rulers, despite its claims for full integration of Moldova into the Euro-Atlantic structures.

Whatever Transnistria’s electoral option will be, it seems that unlike in previous campaigns, this time the Transnistrian authorities seem determined not to let go of the chance they have to influence the electoral outcome in Moldova, not so much in favour of some specific contestant as against the ruling party. And it seems thez plan to do it only through the voters that reside in Transnistria, but also through the many Soviet-minded, pro-Russian voters residing in the rest of Moldova, who got disappointed with the Communist Party’s sudden turn towards the west during its rule.

e-democracy.md

Transnistrian Conflict on January 31 – February 13, 2005

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